Governor General David Johnston spent his first year in office preparing for a tempest that never came.
If the May 2 election had produced another minority Parliament, Johnston might have been thrown in the eye of a summer political storm that could eventually have swept an unprecedented coalition government into office.
His two immediate predecessors had each paved a bit of the way to that unfamiliar Canadian crossroad.
In her memoirs, Adrienne Clarkson wrote that if Paul Martin’s Liberal government had lost the confidence of the House of Commons early on in its 2004 minority mandate, she would have considered handing power to the Conservative-led opposition rather than have Canadians return to the polls for the second time in less than six months.
Faced with a full-fledged coalition alternative in late 2008, Michaëlle Jean held out for a few hours before granting Harper his wish to prorogue Parliament so as to avoid certain defeat at the hands of the opposition.
The message was that her acquiescence to the recommendation of the Prime Minister was not a foregone conclusion.
The possibility of a repeat coalition episode was part of the calculus that attended Johnston’s appointment.
His background in law and academia was considered well suited to the potential role as arbiter of last resort of a hung Parliament.
Little in Jean’s television journalism past had prepared her for the unusual political challenges that came her way over her time at Rideau Hall, prompting critics to argue that she lacked the gravitas to refuse to rubber-stamp the Prime Minister’s repeat prorogations.
From the Conservative perspective, there were also other considerations at play.
Johnston had given Harper a big hand when he recommended that an inquiry into Brian Mulroney’s affairs be limited in scope.
An outside adviser more vulnerable to the winds of public opinion might have come up with a recommendation less helpful in limiting the divisive fallout of the affair for the Conservatives.
Over the past year, Johnston has offered no hints of his thinking on his possible role in addressing another parliamentary impasse. Now, Canadians will never know how he would have dealt with an unclear election result.
A majority government is in place for the next four years. The demise of the Bloc Québécois has significantly lowered the odds of a speedy return to minority rule.
Over the remainder of his five-year term, ensuring that Canadians are still aware of his existence could turn out to be Johnston’s biggest challenge.
Twelve months into his appointment, many Canadians would be hard pressed to put a name to his face. Unlike Clarkson or Jean, he is unlikely to ever become a household name.
His former colleagues in academia are hoping that he will turn out to be an influential behind-the-scenes ally. As governor general, Johnston has singled out education as one of his main areas of interest.
In a time of federal budget restraint and with a government that is not predisposed to policy activism at the helm, Canada’s academic community may end up needing all the friends in high places that it can get over the next few years.
But if the recent past is any indication, expectations on that score should be limited.
The Conservative decision to do away with the long-form census last summer was one of the biggest blows ever dealt to academic research by a federal government.
That debate took place as Johnston was preparing to move in to Rideau Hall. If he spoke up against the move — and that is very much a matter of speculation - he had little or no impact on the government’s stay-the-course thinking.
Over the remainder of a term that could yet see a profile-challenged successor to the Queen installed on the throne, Johnston will have to beat long odds to avoid becoming the overlooked figurehead of an institution that time forgot.
Chantal Hébert is a national affairs writer for Torstar Syndication Services.